Job training programs in Korea first began in 1962 under government leadership through the enactment of the First Economic Development Plan. The Plan pointed out quantitative and qualitative imbalances between the labor supply and demand and proposed job training as a means of supplying the labor needed for industrialization.

In accordance with the focus on light industries during this early period of industrialization, job training focused on developing skills required in light industries like textiles or spinning. The training was short-term and focused on developing simple, repetitive skills.

Eventually, this type of training brought about insufficiencies in technical skills training (requiring a minimum of two years training) and created greater problems as the economy grew.

Afterwards, the 0ccupational Training Act was passed in 1967, launching job training as a formal system implemented by the government.

The central OccupationaI Training Center was established in l968, bringing the first public job training facility into existence. In 1974, the Special Law on Occupational Training was enacted, which mandated workplace job training for a number of companies.

In 1982, the Korean Industrial Personnel Management Complex was established and made responsible for the training of technical skills needed for industry, the supervision of the government's technical licensing system, and research on job training. This complex took up the main role in industrial personnel development.

1. General characteristics of job training
   Job training can be classified by type of program: public, workplace, and private licensing. Public Job training programs are operated by the government, regional governments, or the Korean Industrial Personnel Management Complex.

   These program take up training for skills and job types that are in demand industry-wide and hence difficult for individual companies to train, skills that are needed for export industries, or job types in the newest, high-tech industries.

   Workplace training is carried out by individual companies to cultivate skills needed in their particular circumstances ; these companies carry out training either individually or co1lectively based on the size and circumstances of each company. Private licensing programs are registered with the Ministry of Labor and take up training that is difficult for both public and workplace programs to carry out.

   These programs are usually run by social welfare centers non-profit organizations or private individuals We can examine the training records of each program type. Between 1967 and 1991. Public training programs have trained 472.574 people, or 30.5 percent of total persons trained. Workplace training has taken up 54.2 percent of training completed in the same period, or a total of 840.966 people.

   Finally, public licensing programs have trained 15.3 percent of trainees or 237,601 people. Hence private, non-governmental training, which includes both workplace and private licensing programs, has taken up 7O percent of total training done in this period.

   However, the proportion of women trained from l978 to 1991 in all three types of programs totals approximately 20.2 percent. By program type, the respective figures are 4.8 percent for public centers, 26.6 percent for workplace training, and 38.7 percent for private licensing programs. Quantitatively, publicly-run programs hence have the lowest rate of training for women workers.

   In terms of types of training, skills acquisition training takes up 87 percent of all training done. Within workplace programs, 40 percent of training in 1992 was for skills acquisition, 37 percent for skills elevation, 22.8 percent for retraining, and O.1 percent for job transfer training. Compared to the respective 23.6 percent figure for 1991, training for skills elevation has expanded greatly. Within public training programs, 95.8 percent of licensing was for skills acquisition in l991. while only 1.2 percent of training was for skills elevation.

   Within these licensing programs, women usually participate only in programs for low-ranking skills. Women make up under ten percent of participants in the Iower_1evel licensing track and are concentrated in second_Ieve1 service professions or service assistant jobs.

   The total number of women workers receiving government-acknowledged licenses totaled 2,278,625 in 1991, 85.7 percent of whom were concentrated in the second-level technician category. Only 4.O percent were licensed as first-level technicians, 1.12 percent as technica1 engineers. Women workers receiving these licenses only total 13.2 percent of the entire women's labor force.

2. Characteristics of job training by program type
   1. Public job training

      Public training programs have been responsible for about 30. 5 percent of all training since 1967. Among these trainees. only five percent have been women. These programs are nevertheless important for women as they provide training in skills and licensing that are in high demand in industries. These skills include such techniques as metal formation, machine construction, welding, jewelry manufacturing, and dying that are important in export industries, as well as more modern. high-tech skills.

      Most of the public training concentrate on ski1ls acquisitions training. This holds true for workplace and private licensing centers as weI1. Seventy-seven percent of public training is for skills acquisition, while only 23 percent concentrates on skills elevation. Most skills acquisition training lasts only six months to a year.

   2. Workplace job training

      Workplace Job training is carried out directly by companies either individually or in company cooperatives. Training is offered in six industries: mining, manufacturing, electronics, gas and waterworks, construction, storage/transportation and communications, and service industries like garment mending, dying. and laundromat services.

      Training lasts from three months to three years. Beginning in 1992, the Occupational Training Act began to stipulate that companies with over 150 permanent, year-round employees in 1991 (in the construction industry, number adjusted according to 1991 construction record) carry out job training in the workplace. Those companies not complying were fined accordingly.

      From 1967, when the Occupational Training Act was enacted, to 1991, workplace programs have trained 840,966 workers. or 54. Z percent of trainees in all program types; these programs have thus contributed most to training workers.

      Of the total of 3,417 companies obligated to carry out training in 1992, only 16 percent or 551 companies did so, while the remaining 84 percent decided to pay fines instead. Among the 551 companies carrying out training, only 102 implemented programs for women workers; these programs trained l0,510 women workers, focusing on skills required in 4l job types.

      This training, however, was often not carried out every year, but rather intermittently depending on the circumstances of the company. What is more, these companies, rather than carrying out training that is actually in need in the workplace, tend only to implement nominal training to fulfill legal requirements; the content of training is hence lacking and often unusable.

   3. Private licensing programs

      The role of private licensing can be divided into two parts. In terms of main labor force training, these programs have concentrated on newly entering labor and short-term, 1ow-1eve1 training. This training has also played a socia1 service role through occupational training for juvenile delinquents social welfare recipients, the extreme poor, and the handicapped.

      Unti1 1991, these programs trained 15 percent of all trainees; this percentage is expected to rise to 25 percent in the future.

      Among the lO7 private licensing centers recorded in I99l, 78 centers provided training for 3,643 women workers, a total of 39. 8 percent of all trainees licensed by private programs. Among the various types of private licensing programs, individually-run centers take up the 1argest proportion of training.

   4. Other skills training centers for women

      Recently, the government constructed plans to fund short-term job training programs for low-income women with inadequate opportunities to develop occupational skills through the formal educational system or public job training facilities.

      These programs will be implemented by the YMCA through its educationa1 programming or its Women's Home, and will focus on training for basic skills like wallpapering, skin and hair treatment, typing, and machine-making.

      Centers for working women are already established in Seou1. Busan, and Kwan-ju, and 15 more are scheduled to be built between 1993 and 1997.

      The Women's Skills Training Center will focus on short-term training lasting from three days to six months, providing training in such service occupations as housekeeping, makeup, childcare, and laundromat services

3. Problems with current women's job training and strategies for expansion

   Problems with job training currently offered to women workers are numerous. First, women's training opportunities are quantitatively very lacking. According to 1990 statistics, the percentage of women trainees in all programs is 20. Z percent; in private licensing programs, 39. 8 percent; and in public training programs, 6. 8 percent.

   Secondly, existing training is too heavily focused on skills acquisition train- ing (87 percent of tota1). Third, training concentrates only on occupations traditionally considered 'women's work.' Fourth, women are excluded from training in technical skills. In 1991, women only constituted 7. 9 percent of trainees in public training centers involved in multi-skills development programs, which require at least two years of training and which have 15 percent rate of acceptance in licensing exams.

   Recently, the government announced the so called 'new personnel policies' designed to support technological development for international competitiveness and to foster, develop, and supervise medium and high-1evel technica1 skills in the production line.

   However, the portions of the policy plan regarding women state that 'for a productive redistribution of personne1, the reserve labor force must replace the shortage in simple production tasks. Job opportunities for mothers, funding for childcare facilities, and the activation of the part-time and home-based work systems must be supported, and a Home-based Labor Law enacted to protect the working conditions for workers. Simple production tasks within the company must be taken up by mothers, the aged, and the handicapped" ('Labor', January l994). Women are hence not intended to be the main focus of these new personnel policies, but rather seen only as a labor force to replace the shortage in unstable simple employment.

   In order to expand job opportunities for women, we must not accept the current government view of women's labor simply as a replacement for labor shortages.

   The various forms of gender discrimination in employment must also be eliminated for women to play an active role in industrial society. In order for this to occur, comprehensive plans for women's personnel development and job training must be drafted, plans which concretely select the women needing training ; propose improvements in the educational system, job training system, and in women's employment promotion ; work to eliminate discrimination at the time of hiring; and institutionalize women's welfare facilities and systems.

   In addition, a women's quota system must be instituted in all job training centers and active information and incentive campaigns fostered to recruit women trainees.

   Moreover, such centers as the Ansung Women's Job Training Center, which have shown positive results and are in high demand among women, must be established. Women's job training curricula in these centers must also be improved to include not just skills acquisition, but also skills elevation training. Training shou1d also move from its focus on female-dominated occupations to male-dominated ones inHigh-tech and heavy chemical industries.

   Lastly, despite the fact that most industries with high concentrations of women workers are classified as declining industries, resulting in numerous job losses among women, almost no training for job transfers or reemployment has proceeded thusfar Such training is urgently needed for these women. especially married working mothers.

   In addition, a women's job counseling center must be established nationally in order to create a link between job training and job information systems. Finally, an official responsible for women's employment and training issues must be included in the Job Training 1iberative Committee, currently consisting of labor, management, and government representatives, so that constant efforts to revise and implement government policies can be continued

Korean Citizen is a Japanese multinationa1 company located in the Jr2 industrial complex within the Masan Export Free Zone. Of the total of 36I workers (male 66, female 295), 83 percent are married women. The average age is 37; the average duration of work, seven years. The company proceeded with large-scale worker reductions in 1989 pushing out almost a11 the young unmarried women workers and leaving married women to fill the majority of job positions.

Having directly witnessed the company's deceptive tactics, the labor union, headed by its president Kim Ki-sun, entered into the 1994 wage increase negotiations.

Key issues in this collective agreement renewal struggle included payment for leaves, funding for children's education, and employee awards. When the company failed to show any intent to negotiate, the union notified authorities of a labor dispute on February 25. 1994, and entered into a legal struggle. The executive committee and union members entered into co11ective united action, carrying out such activities as menstruation leave usage, periodic walk-out's by union members, fixed-time morning check-in's, headband-wearing, ribbon and balloon-hanging, and refusal of overtime work.

Following the labor dispute notification, the company turned over partial production to its subcontractor Citizen Precision Instruments, reducing almost the entire workload of the parent company and making workers' jobs unstable. Despite such efforts, the union, adhering to its belief that it could only survive through united strength, held protests everyday and urged workers getting off work to join in the struggle. The union also presented updates on negotiations every other day.

In addition, the union women's division declared their opposition to the government's effort to make menstruation leave unpaid, denouncing it as a deterioration of maternity protection benefits. It actively encouraged the use of menstruation leave in the workplace, urging that it is sure to be abolished unless workers make sure to actively use the leave.

A poster encouraging the use of menstruation leave for a three-day period on March 8,9, and lO was displayed at work. In response. the company used legal precedents to claim that such efforts to induce the use of the leave was illegal, after which the union in turn told members they should use the leave only upon their own personal volition.

Nevertheless, workers in each work division proceeded with the three-day leave usage effort,and union members were even more enthusiastic as over 50 workers used the leave each day. In the end, the company, caught off guard by the menstruation leave usage effort, agreed on March 3 to negotiate a provisional agreement. When the company agreed to negotiate, the union held a general assembly and after the company's proposal was agreed upon by a unanimous round of applause. a signing ceremony was held.

One particular item to note in the collective bargaining agreement was the provision of a fund for children's education. Even in agreements secured by democratic labor unions, most children's education or family support funds are given to the male household head, and the wife, even if she holds partial responsibility for earning the family's livelihood, is not entit1ed to such benefits.

The Citizen agreement, however, provides educational funding for women workers with middle or high schoo1-age chi1dren and hence, makes benefits available not just to the male household head, but also to the mother (if both husband and wife work at Citizen. the funding goes to only one person. however). The support totals 70 percent of tuition for middle school children, and 50 percent of high school tuition (educational funding referred to here includes tuition, quarterly coursework fees. and extracurricular fees).

The union executive committee also made the effort to ensure that all married women receive this funding, even if this meant reducing the tota1 amount allotted.

Regarding the question of advancement, the union demanded equal treatment for women, who are now only given a W4,800 raise at one time compared to W6,600 for men. The collective bargaining agreement stipulates that this W1.800 gap be closed in two steps by increasing the women's pay raise by W900 this year and by another W900 next year.

Payments for seniority were also determined as follows: one don for five years continuous employment, one and a half don for seven years, two don for ten years. two and a half don for thirteen years, and three don for fifteen years.

Union activity in the Masan Export Free Zone had become quite stagnant following the mass worker reductions of 1989, but through this struggle, Citizen union members were able to reconfirm the vitality of the labor union spirit as they hung balloons at work, put on their bright red headbands, and attached ribbons proclaiming victory on their shirts.

I will never give up…

Jung, Yongja retired employee, Bucheon 00 Sewing Factory

The retirement allowance that never came

The sewing factory I worked for was not a small company by all means. There were more than 100 employees but with myself included, were all in their 50s and a few were even in their 70s.
There were relatively very few young people in the factory. And maybe that was why nothing was observed. There was no explanation forms detailing our wages per item and the monthly allowances promised for a full-month of work was never given out. What else can you expect from such a company? The basic wage was 438,000 won and a little added after overtime but no one complained and just went on working. The younger workers would move to another workplace if more wages were guaranteed based on their experience in our factory.
I worked for 3 years until a personal accident occurred and prevented me from working. I was hospitalized for a long time and in cases like mine, the factory had automatically dismissed the workers and I, too, met with the same fate.
However, the problem was with my retirement allowance which was not recompensed as time went by. Feeling frustrated I went to the factory and was told that retirement allowance was paid out three months after dismissal and overdue wages two months later. That was the company law I was told. I asked the secretary for the details of my retirement allowance and found the amount to be lesser than I thought.

Counseling by the Bucheon branches of the KWWAU & KWTU
I thought to myself that this could not be possible and decided to go for counseling at the Bucheon branches of the KWWAU and KWTU. As a result, I received my full retirement allowance, overdue wages and for the first time in my life, yearly allowances as well.
It was not very easy in the beginning. When I went to submit my appeal at the Bucheon Regional labor Office, I was so badly treated that I wondered why I was doing such a thing. Not all was bad but the first day at the place called Department of Labor, was really frightening. I wondered if I should give up but I remembered that I had done nothing harmful to the company and realized that it had no right to treat me so badly and I decided to go ahead with my appeal. I went with a colleague who had been dismissed at the same time and she wanted me to give up what I was doing.
I told the same story to the Bucheon branches of the KWWAU and the KWTU and they reassured me by saying that they would accompany me to the Department of Labor and even to the company if the need arose. I have always felt proud that I have never inconvenienced anyone in my life but I felt scared in such a situation and knowing the company, I really wondered if all would be possible. I was really heartened by their support and they accompanied me to the Department of Labor and fought with the company on my behalf.

Received overdue wages, full retirement allowance & yearly allowance
I was scared but I told my story and two investigations took place but the company still refused to pay. It was just for a few days but drained me so emotionally that I could not even go for my hospital treatment. The company owner had frequently said ‘Go and try to fight with the law. I know many people at the Department of Labor and the Blue House’. True to his word, I thought this fight would be useless.
On the last day of the meeting with the Department of Labor and the company, I received a phone call from the Bucheon branch, asking if I had a small recorder by any chance. I replied that I had a broken one at home and was told to bring it to the meeting. I was told to place the recorder in my upper pocket and to touch it a few times when the supervisor and the company personnel were talking. I was told to show the recorder to them and say just one sentence - that I would sue them. And the next day, the company recompensed me with my overdue wages, full retirement and yearly allowances.
I realized now that it had not been easy and I am just proud to have bolstered myself again and again after feeling hopeless about the whole thing. I
am proud that I could actually give hope
to other people. This experience which had occurred to me in my fifties has given new meaning to my life.
Finally, I would like to thank everyone who has taken my affair so much to heart and giving hope to every worker in need.

Having been unfairly laid off because of discriminatory retirement age requirements, two working mothers l met at Samil Company had returned to work and were in the midst of a lawsuit.

Working at a factory that packages and transports manufactured paper products, these two workers, Cho Jung-sook and Chung Yoo-soon, and a third worker Yi Sook-ja were the main characters in this struggle.

The required retirement age at Samil until 1988 was 55 for men and 50 for women. During the labor union elections, however, the extension of age requirements for women was presented as a major issue for collective bargaining. Consequently, beginning in 1990, the retirement age for skilled workers was raised to 55, for packaging workers to 52. However, as most skilled technicians are men and most packaging workers are women, this arrangement has in effect, failed to eliminate gender discrimination in retirement age requirements.

In 1992, six workers were expected to retire, and among these, three handed in written resignations. The other three workers -- Cho, Chung, and Yi __ agreed that they could not easily abandon their 18 to 20 years of experience at the company and repeatedly made demands to the company and labor union president to reform the retirement age system. In the end, Yi was laid off in April, Chung and Cho in August 1992, and Yi decided to carry out a law suit to invalidate the forced retirement.

After a year of trials. the courts decided that the male-female difference in retirement age requirements constituted a violation of the Basic Labor Standards Law and the EquaI Employment Law. The retirement was hence declared invalid, and the three workers were deemed entitled to receive all lost wages. After much procrastination, the company rehired Yi a month after the trial, and Chung and Cho were retumed to work at the end of July 1993. Working Women decided to interview these two women.

WW :How was your relationship to your co-workers after I congratulate both of you for returning to work afghan you returned to work?

Chung : There were a lot of older women at work who gave us encouraging glances. But there were also other people who kept a distance from us; this was because they were influenced by the company's vicious publicity that made us out to be troublemakers. We were also always nervous because we thought the company would send us to the factory in Hanam.

Cho : WelI, as expected, within two months of our returning to work, we got a notice that we should start going to work at the Hanam factory. That was really too much. Our families were telling us to quit, but we also thought that this was something that we needed to see through to the end. So, the three of us decided to brave the three-hour commute and start work at the Hanam factory. The work was much more difficult than it was at our origina1 factory, and they kept sending us the most products to deal with in the packaging line.

We intended to gradually mention the issue of lost wages during the time we had left work, but the union president and the company both just said we had to sue to get this pay. The company's attitude made us so angry that we decided to sue for lost wages.

WW : I'm sure it's not easy to sue the company where one is actually working. So, what was the result of the lawsuit?

Cho : We won in the first trial this January, and the company was required to pay us all lost wages during the time of our lay-off to our reinstatement.

Chung : This was the first time in our lives that we went to court. It was hard because we couldn't even understand what the judge, company rep's, or lawyers were saying very well. It made me realize that workers really need to study and have a good knowledge about the 1aw and society. Like in Yi Sook-ja's case, the company side appealed the decision, and there've already been two trials in the second round of appeals. I think we have to prepare better this time.

WW : What do your families think about your struggle?

Cho: At first, my children told me to save my pride and quit work, but as they hear more about my situation. they become more encouraging.

Chung : My family is the same way. At first, I didn't even tell my children, but l started to tell them more after l started going to work at the Hanam factory. Now, they tell me to fight on until the end.

WW : Is there anything that both of you want to say to other working women?

Cho This is something that l felt during this case, but l think it's important for workers to have self-confidence and pride in order for them to assert their rights under the law.

Chung : I hope that we have been of little help to other people in similar situations. I also hope that people realize that our common struggle is each person's personal struggle; it's important for each person to fight for our common rights.

With this 1ong-term goal, KWAU also held a discussion forum on May 27. 1994 with women Regiona1 Assembly members experienced in regional grassroots movements. The forum, entitled 'Three Years of Regional Self-government and the O.9% Challenge.' was intended to evaluate the past three years of regional self-govemment.

The forum brought together women Assembly members who have struggled in a heavily male-dominated political system in which 99.1 percent of Regional Assembly seats are occupied by men. These women leaders included Choi Soon-young (Buchon City). Kim Hye-kyung (Kwan-ak Gu), Moon Soo-jung (Kuro Ku), and Hong Mi-young (Inchon City, Buk Gu). The forum provided an opportunity for participants to listen to these women's experiences in regional government and to consider ways in which women's political participation can contribute to Korea's political development overall.

Hong describes her experience as 'the feeling of hanging on to a moving bus for three years.' In an arena in which lobbying and seniority-based politics dominate and women are treated as mere decorative flowers rather than equal participants, survival for the women Assembly members was certainly not easy.

Choi. for example, made the effort to encourage wide resident participation and consensus through public signature petitions. informal discussions, and public hearings. She was influential in the enactment of a city ordinance prohibiting cigarette dispensers.

In addition, Kim reduced the W168,000,000 Ku budget allotted from resident taxes for trash bags, of which only W30,000,000 to W40,000 000 has been used. The amount saved was transferred to funds for social welfare purposes.

Having witnessed election-rigging during the elections for Assembly chairperson, Moon alone exposed, through media report actions that were ignored by the 49 other male Assembly members and forced another round of elections for Assembly chairperson.

Through these various efforts by women Assembly members. politics has become more of a part of everyday life for regional residents. Moreover contradictions of the male-dominated political system are being pointed out and political solutions sought for issues concerning women.

In order for a healthy, grassroots democracy to take root in the regions, women's po1itical power must be actively fostered into a practical and healthy political culture. Such efforts to change the political culture on a smal1 scale will without doubt help pave the road towards a democratic society.

The Seventh Annual Korean Women Workers Rally was launched on March 3, l994, under the theme, 'Towards Social Equality and Employment Stability.' It was held in the Korea University campus in Seoul.

Amidst 500 production, clerical, and professional women workers, the rally created an enthusiastic spirit of hope for overcoming the problems of the present and building a better future.

All the speakers at the rally were united in criticizing the government for deteriorating maternity protection benefits. Last February 3, 1994, the Ministry of Labor's Committee on Women's Labor Policy passed the Ministry's proposed Basic Welfare Plan for Working Women; this proposal included plans to eliminate paid menstruation leave, relax labor standards regulations, and expand part-time employment.

In particular, Yon Sook of the Chung_kye Garment Trade Union stressed in her keynote speech that workers cannot submit to the government's effort to sacrifice their interests for the sake of international competitiveness. She also urged the audience to help secure employment stability for workers by opposing the enactment of the Worker Dispatch Law. Following her appeal for the equal right to work and maternity protection for women, the audience expressed its consent by a huge round of applause.

Part I of the rally ended with the reading and passage of the '1994 Women Werkers' Declaration' The declaration delineated the diverse and severe issues facing women workers and resolved to carry out a cross-class struggle to eliminate them.

The issues mentioned in the declaration included equal-pay for equal-work, gender-equal education, employment stability, expansion of job training and childcare facilities, and state/business responsibilities for maternity protection costs.

Unlike the issue-based programming in Part I, Part II featured cultural events such as traditional instrument and song performances, along with poetry readings, that allowed women workers to display their cultural talents. The mono drama performed by professional actress Kim Jin-sook was a particular success, this scene portrayed a working mother who, while having to care for a sick child, is given a choice by the company to quit or change her contract.

At one point in the performance, the character exclaims, 'Do you think marriage is some kind of industiral disease? We're overworked and refused pay raises, and now, you want to change my contract to part-time? Do you think I'm going to just sit back and take this treatment? No way. I'm going to stay and fight at this company until my bones are buried here!'

As the character pours out aIl her anger and frustration onto the stingy company president with pride and dignity. the scene instilled a passion, self-confidence, and pride in women workers in the audience who have to face such situations in their everyday lives.

The March 8 Women's Day rally was held not just in Seou1. but also in lnchon, Busan, Kwangju. and Masan.

Invitation and talk with the Minister Political Affairs( II )

The Cooperative Committee on the 86th Year Anniversary of March 8 International Women's Day used the March 8 event to hold an informal talk with the Minister of Politica1 Affairs( II ) regarding the issues raised at the rally. Twenty-four representatives from all sectors of the women's labor movement participated in the meeting.

These participants include representatives from the Korean Women Workers Associations United (KWWAU); Korean Women's Associations United (KWAU); Korea Women's Association for Democracy and Sisterhood (KWASD); Korea Trade Unions Congress; trade unions in the financia1/banking, university, professiona1, construction.

And publishing sectors; and women presidents of This meeting was signif`.cant in that it was the first time that the Minister of Political Affairs( II ) agreed to meet with women's labor representatives and discuss the issues facing women workers in the workplace. Lee Young-soon, president of KWWAU, beean by thanking the Minister and explained the reasons for the meeting.

Stating that women continue to occupy a low position in Korean society when considering the country's level of economic development, Lee mentioned the need to collectively and solutions for the problems of women workers. She went on to state that the women representatives hope that a more rational and systematic women's labor policy can be established and executed in the future.

0nce the meeting began in earnest, so many diverse demands and issues were presented that the time allotted was insufHcient to complete the discussion. Nevertheless, demands presented to the the Minister of Political Affairs (II ) included the following:

• Despite the fact that the government claim to regard employment equality its highest priority, unequal treatment of women rn the workplace continues to occur on a regular basis.

  Responses to employment discrimination are proceeding only on a nominal basis. while newly introduced flexible labor policies perpetuate women's position as low-ranked workers in the 1abor force. As the government fails to lead efforts at monitoring discrimination in the workplace, unequal treatment of women in training, job post stationing. and advancement continues to occur.

• Women's rights are violated through the temporary, part-time, and dispatch emploltnent systems. Legal and institutional reforms, as well as feasible administrative measures are needed to protect the rights of non-permanent women workers. The Worker Dispatch Law must not be enacted as it will institutionalize discriminatory wages for women.
• A comprehensive plan for the promotion of women's employment is needed. A hiring quota for women should be implemented in public facilities and job training centers, and services such as employment information pamphlets must be implemented to resolve the lack of open employment opportunities for women college graduates.

  In addition, the government must take up the burden of maternity protection costs, institute a gender-equal education system. and accept international standards concerning maternity protection.

• Union presidents from factories as close as the Kuro industrial complex and as far as electronics companies in Kwangju pointed out that worker reductions and social disrespect for low-wage workers have yet to be improved. They also stated that laid-off workers completely lack retraining opportunities for job transfers and hence, have no choice but to find work in the service sector.
• Other women representatives also asserted that sexual violence in the workplace must be seen as an employment issue and be treated by the Employment Equality Law.

  Despite insufficiencies in time, this meeting proved to be an opportunity for trade union and women's organization representatives to present a broad range of opinions needed for the creation and execution of better policies regarding women's labor.

Kim, Nam-Ju

"When orders are backed up, workers are made to work 24_hour shifts, beginning from eight o'clock in the morning to eight the next morning; the doors are sometimes locked to keep the workers from going outside.

Before menstruation leave is given, women are physically examined to confirm that they are menstruating. Once over 600 workers were for ced to stand outside the factory for being late with their hands raised on their heads and with one foot raised; about 20 workers fainted from sunstroke."

The above quote is taken from an interview conducted on September l9, 1993, with three women's labor activists from Indonesia during their visit to the Korean Women Workers Associations United; it reveals the inhumane treatment of workers by Korean companies in Indonesia. These Indonesian labor activists are attempting to inform the world about Indonesia's labor situation and to request cooperation in resolving workers' issues there. "Working Women" will send a summary of this report to be published in "Asian Labor Update" (ALU), the newsletter published by the Asian Monitor Resource Center in Hong Kong.

• Why is Indonesia so attractive to business?

  Indonesia's economic development, characterized by large-scale foreign capital inflows and a 1990 growth rate of 7. 25 percent, has resulted from suppressing worker unity for the sake of attracting foreign caprta1. Approximately 38 bil1ion dollars of foreign capital have flowed into Indonesia since 1967 because of such government efforts.

  Of the approximately 70 million workers in Indonesia. IZ million are unemployed and 2.4 million young and educated workers enter the 1abor market every year, fueling the labor supp1y needed for industrialization. The wages for Indonesia's industrial workers are among the 1owest in Southeast Asia.

  The government claims that manufacturing workers in Jakarta and Java (in western lndonesia) receive a minimum daily wage of 2,100 rupiahs (1.10 dollars). But according to ALU. 80 percent of Tangerang's workers receive I ,600 rupiahs (0.80 doIlars) a day. This can only be good news for foreign investors preferring cheap labor.

• A minimum wage that does not match the minimum subsistence level

  The current minimum wage in Indonesia remains far below the government-calculated minimum subsistence level of 2,200 rupiahs (1. 25 dollars) per day.

  As this minimum subsistence 1evel is based on the price of food, housing, and other basic necessities, it should be the basis for determining the minimum wage. But, these ca1culations do not take into account inflation and are based on cheaper-priced goods in the suburbs. Even the pro-government Indonesian Workers Federation (SPSI) admits that the actual wage is only equal to 31 percent of the minimum subsistence level. Moreover, only 8O percent of companies adhere to this wage leve1.

  Even though many workers do overtime at a rate of I.5 times the normal wage, most workers prefer to rest than to be able to earn this higher rate. As Ta-ti (alias), a worker in the city of Grayta, angrily states, 'The jackets that we produce here are sold in Europe for 425 dollars each. Why can't they give us enough income for us to eat and survive?' According to ALU data, Tex, a joint venture company in Java formed with Taiwanese capital, asks its workers to do two hours of overtime everyday, and Tae-young Indonesia, a Korean company in Tangerang, forces workers to work three hours of overtime everyday to reach production goals.

  Many foreign companies in Indonesia do not deny that they can pay workers more. When a researcher in Tangerang asked a Korean company manager if the company could increase the pay for workers, the manager replied, 'It is not our responsibility that the wage is so 1ow because the government determines the minimum wage.

• Sexual harassment in the workplace

  The problems confronting young women workers go beyond economic ones. In many factories in Bandung, sexual harassment and gender discrimination occur on a regular basis. In Lumakalimas, a textile company, pregnancy means immediate lay-off, and women applying for jobs at Pharmatex and Tarmatex are required to undergo examinations to confirm their virginity; they cannot be hired if they refuse this examination.

• The government goals of political stability and stability in labor management relations

  Labor-management relations have been severely regulated by the central government. For many years, only one labor union, the Indonesian Workers Federation (SPSI) has been a11owed to exist, while other independent organizations like the Free Labor Unions United (SRMS) have been severely suppressed.

  Government Decree Numbers llO9 and 1986 states that 'laborers (who) want to establish a labor union can do so only if they consult with company officials.' If an employee is suspected of organizing workers without adhering to these regulations, he/she is immediately fired even if the union formed is part of the SPSI.

  The SPSI actively cooperates with the government's demand for political stability, and openly declares that it will not support activities to organize labor unions or incite strikes as these acts upset political stability.

• Worker despair adds fuel to the labor struggle

  From early 1991, a series of unplanned strikes have broken out in joint venture and foreign companies operating in places like Tangerang, Bogo1, Bekasi, and Tapoku. In June, over 30O workers, mostly women, participated in a demonstration march in Jakarta which ended in front of the Ministry of Labor. The workers shouted, Our empty stomachs are causing these demonstrations!'

  Last August, a large-scale strike at the Jaka Tunggal Group (a poup managing 14 companies which produces tires, paint, waterproofing, and shoes for export and domestic sales) was enough to paralyze company operations. The workers mostly from the countryside, demanded daily wage increases, improvements in transportation, food provisions, job stability, and the freedom to unite.

  The army was mobilized to suppress this strike, and the 'instigators' (the government uses this word to describe labor union organizers) of the strike were put under surveillance, then tortured and fired from work. Despite such oppressive tactics, this strike is becoming the impetus for greater opposition to government and business. It also helps counter the stereotype, held by foreign investors, that Indonesian workers are submissive.

• The SRMS and government suppression

  (SBMS has closed down partly due to internal differences. Another separate independent union has been created.)

  Indonesia's labor movement, which has been forced into silence for 25 years under the name of social stability, can now use the Jaka Group strike as an opportunity to find a new direction for the movement. The SRMS, established in November 1991, was the first free labor union formed in Indonesia in 25 years.

  After only one year, its chief secretary Saute Aritonang was kidnapped by the military for a short time. Despite continued government attacks against the SBMS leaders and membership. 220 core members, over 4,000 registered members, and 30,000 supporters made up the SBMS. This union is also acknowledged by the Indonesian branch of the ILO.

  As increased attention towards the SBMS has decreased SPSI membership, SPSI president Sudaru, in last September's meeting with the Ministry of Labor, took a more critical stance towards the country's labor conditions, demanding, for example, that the minimum wage law be implemented. In the meantime, SBMS is seeking the help of foreign labor unions in applying international pressure on the Indonesian government to acknowledge its existence and the right of workers to unite.