1. Problems with the Basic Welfare Plan for Working Women
   Clause 5 of the Equal Employment Law makes it obligatory for the government to formulate a basic plan regarding the social we1fare of working women. Yet it was only in December 1993, six years after the enactment of the Law, that the Ministry of Labor presented its draft of the 'Basic Welfare Plan for Working Women.'

   On one hand, this proposa1 -- which was drafted with the objective of guaranteeing equal opportunity and treatment for men and women, securing maternity benefits for women, and contributing to the elevation of women's social status and welfare by developing better employment skills -- reflects the success of the women's and labor union struggles of the past.

   Yet, when considering the contents of the Basic Plan. it remains questionable whether the government truly intended to implement a proper women's labor policy. The proposal, for example, claims to promote women's employment by expanding temporary work opportunities without any regard to the problem of employment instability that will undoubtedly arise. Regarding maternity benefits, the proposa1, rather than presenting any measures for improving harsh working conditions, only includes plans to reduce benefits instead.

   More specifically, the problems of the proposed women's welfare plan can be summarized as follows:

2. The Basic Plan states that the government's welfare policy for working women has passed through three periods: the stage of 'special protection' (1953~80), the stage of welfare benefits (1981~86) and the period of groundwork construction for the realization of gender equality (1987~92).

   The current proposal is purported to reflect the next policy stage, in which the creation and execution of more concrete policies to effect gender equality are in demand.

   Despite such assertions, it is clear that this plan represents only an incipient stage in preparing the most basic foundations for gender equality. This is evident from the fact that the Basic Plan was first proposed six years after the execution of the Equal Employment Law, that the female bank employee system (a system by which male and female bank employees were categorized separately for purposes of discriminatory job advancement) was not abolished until 1993, and that the government has deemed audits lasting unti1 1997 necessary to oversee the adequate execution of the Equa1 Employment Law in companies with over 10O employees.

   It is also clear, when considering gender discrimination in wages, job post distribution, advancement, recruitment, and hiring that even the most basic foundation for equa1ity has yet to be formed.

3. The fact that 48.6 percent (1993 statistics) of the economically active female population is employed shows that women comprise a substantial portion of the social labor force. Yet, women's wages only equal 55.7 percent of men's wages, a figure that is lower than that for other countries at a similar stage of economic development; the corresponding percentages for the Philippines, Thailand and Malaysia are 80, 74, and 76 percent respectively.

   Such a low wage reflects the extent to which women's labor has been devalued as a result of deep-rooted gender discrimination within the social structure

   Despite such conditions, the government continues to assume only a lukewarm attitude towards the implementation of the equa1-pay for equa1_work system, proposing only to develop an academic model to compare the relative values or different jobs.

   Both government and business must now realize that the logic of low-wage labor as a means of fostering economic competitiveness is 1osing its persuasiveness domestically and internationally. They must also acknowledge that the equal pay for equal-work system will make it easier to foster better purchasing power, technological advancement, and higher productivity.

   Consequently, in order to overcome indiscriminate wage discrimination on the basis of gender, job type, education level, and region, the government must introduce more rational systems like work value comparisons, institute reforms of the income and employment structures, and eliminate the gender-differentiated system of job advancement.

4. The Ministry's welfare plan does not include policies regarding employment instability, the most central area of concern for women's and labor organizations, and instead only proposes ways of worsening job instability by expanding part-time and dispatch labor. Proposals for promoting women's employment are also greatly lacking when compared to plans for senior citizens and the disabled; these plans only mention part-time work as a means of increasing job opportunities.

   The Ministry of Labor has already reported the ratio of part-time workers in the manufacturing sector as totaling only two percent. In a situation in which most part-time workers are so-called 'nomina1' part-timers (labeled part-time, but working the same number of hours as full-timers), the government's plans regarding part-time workers who actually work shorter hours will be ineffective at best.

   This system is also sure to worsen employment instability for women workers.

5. It is a positive development that the proposal reflects certain issues that women's labor groups have consistently demanded in the past, issues including a 90-day maternity leave, paid abortion leave. leaves for periodic examinations during pregnancy. paid childcare leave, and maternity leaves for spouses.

   However, the Basic Plan only mentions its intent to expand maternity benefits in exchange for reducing 'special protection' for women (menstruation 1eave and limits on women's employment, extended labor, and night-time work), but does not enumerate any concrete measures for realizing these goals.

   First, we believe it to be contradictory that the Ministry, while purporting to expand maternity protection. at the same time proposes to eliminate menstruation leave, which represents a social protection of an important biological function needed for reproduction. We cannot accept an elimination of menstruation leave that gives no consideration to the harsh working conditions of women workers.

   This hasty elimination of menstruation leave goes against international trends towards the expansion of maternity benefits and threatens to further destabilize labor-management relations

6. The Basic Plan states that as the provision of equal employment opportunities is inadequate in bringing about full gender equality, a temporary system of preferential treatment in hiring is needed. But again, more concrete plans or methods for execution of this idea are not proposed.

   Our immediate demands for revising the Basic Welfare Plan.

   After numerous discussions regarding the Basic Welfare Plan, women's labor organizations after consulting the opinions of specialists, organized the following demands for a revised women's labor policy:

   1. Policy proposal for the elimination of employment instability and the promotion of job opportunities for women
      • We oppose the enactment of the 'Law Regarding the Proper Management of Worker Dispatch Agencies and the Protection of Dispatch Workers,' for this law is intended to legalize the currently illegal worker dispatch system.

        The best means of protecting dispatch workers is to entirely prohibit the dispatch system and to shift these workers into full-time work. Instead of legalizing this system, the government must strengthen public job security measures.

      • Policies to regulate temporary employment (such as part-time, dispatch, and contract-based employment) must be created. A second item must be added to Clause 29 of the Basic Labor Standards Act to ensure that contracts for full-time work are concluded for workers employed for over three months.
      • Policies to promote women's employment opportunities must focus on the expansion of regular, permanent employment. In addition as workers currently hired as part-timers can be 1abeled 'employees,' as defined in Clause I4 of the Basic Labor Standards Act (defined only on the basis of wage or salary, without regard to type of job, as a person who earns his/her livelihood based on such income), the Basic Labor Standards Act must be applied in full to these workers. Under the principles of equality and nondiscrimination, temporary workers must be ensured the same rights as permanent workers.
      • The Employment insurance Executive Order must be applied to those companies with over five employees. the standard set in the Basic Labor Standards Act.
      • To promote employment opportunities for women, government and public offices must carry out a 20 percent employment quota for women.
      • Job training facilities for women must be expanded and equal training carried out for men and women. A quota system must also be adopted when recruiting students for job training programs.
   2. Policy proposals for the expansion of maternity benefits
      • We absolutely oppose the proposed change menstruation leave from paid to unpaid status.
      • Special protective provisions for women, including prohibitions of nighttime and overtime work, as well as work during holidays must be expanded in accordance with international trends. Such provisions as free medica1 examinations, emergency facilities, and provision of social services must be changed into an equality measure applicable to both men and women.
      • Extension of maternity leave to over 9O days, provision of medical examination leave during pregnancy, and a paid abortion leave must be newly established.
   3. Policy proposals for the realization of gender equality
      • To bring about a gender-equal education, The Equal Employment Law must be revised to make the definition of sexual discrimination more concrete. to prepare temporary measures for the preferential treatment of women, and to include such measures as guaranteed paid childcare leave of one year.
      • Supervision of women's labor rights needs to be strengthened and the corresponding government departments expanded.
   4. Policy proposals for the social welfare of working women
      • Regional facilities to promote women's employment need to be expanded and government funding for these activities increased.
      • Dining services need to be begun in the schools. The government must also take primary responsibility for management funds.
   5. Policy proposals for the reform and internationalization of labor-management relations
      • The Labor Union Law and the Regulatory Law on Labor Disputes must be revised
      • We oppose all modifications to the Basic Labor Standards Law, including the institutionalization of variable labor hours and the elimination of the monthly leave.
      • All imprisoned workers must be released with their charges pardoned. and returned to their original jobs. All searches for politically sought workers must also be abandoned, and all laid-off workers reinstated to their origina1 jobs.
      • In this era of internationalization, ILO labor provisions must be ratified immediately.
   We now face the urgent need to translate the rights of women workers into concrete policies, The realities and difficulties of women workers must be adequately reflected in the draft of the 1994 Basic Welfare Plan for Working Women so that the plan will guarantee the goals of employment security and maternity protection for women. Both the continued individual efforts of women workers and the collective struggles of labor unions are needed for this effort.

On December 9. l993, amidst intensified national opposition to rice import liberalization, the Kim Young-sam government announced its abandonment of the countryside and Korea's national sovereignty by declaring its support of the Uruguay Rounds. This statement, which surrenders our position even before the UR negotiations have been settled, represents an outright violation of the president's electoral promise to 'stake the presidency to protect our rice.

In spite or such action. the government has also begun a national publicity campaign proclaiming the UR settlement to be a success. The publicity claims that the Korean agreement is much more advantageous than the Japanese one because of such measures as the ten-year extension of rice import tariffs and the agreement that foreign imports will not take up more than 1-4 percent of the domestic market.

However, as Korea still has a trade deficit and as rice farming makes up 23. 7 percent of all income from farming, claiming that our agreement is more advantageous does not give much comfort to Korean farmers. Import liberalization for rice and other basic farm products is certain to bring about the devastation of our farmers' 1ivelihood and our country's agricultural management.

Driving their farming vehicles, farmers stage a street demonstration in opposition to the country's ratification of the Uruguay Rounds. The UR agreement would liberalize imports of rice other basic farm products.

In response to this situation, the November IO National Women Farmers' Conference made clear its position of absolute opposition to import liberalization for rice and basic farm products. The November 12 National Farmers' Conference also drew national public attention to the issue.

This struggle against UR has proceeded in several ways, including the movement to return farm equipment to suppliers, demonstrations of protest before the National Assembly due to its lukewarm response to import liberalization, and a pan-citizenry signature petition drive to oppose rice import liberalization.

Currently, the government is attempting to bring up the UR ratification bill for passage in the upcoming special session of the Nationa1 Assembly. to be held this June 1994. The fact that Korea is taking such early steps to pass the UR agreement when no other country has made similar moves is an indication of politica1 pressures from the U. S. . a country which also faces strong domestic opposition and would find it easier to ratify UR if Korea did so first.

Continued U. S. pressure to liberalize imports of marine products and substandard sausage meat is another indication of the existence of U. S. political pressure.

The fight to oppose the ratification of the Uruguay Rounds is not yet over. The Korean Farmers League is planning another rally to oppose the ratification, and other student and 1abor groups, including the National Trade Union Representatives Association, are planning a united struggle.

This struggle to oppose rice and farm product import liberalization is a fight to reclaim our nation's sovereignty and our people's hea1th. It is a struggle to preserve our environment and natural ecosystem so as to pass down a healthy land to our children. We urge all citizens of our land to join in this national struggle for our people's health and livelihood.

1. The repeal of paid menstruation about the deterioration of working conditions.

   Over 50 percent of women experience physical symptoms during menstruation, including vomiting, dizziness, diarrhea, nausea, abdominal pains, waist and hip pains, general discomfort, psychological fatigue and depression, and mental strain. Among these women, 25 percent feel pain severe enough to obstruct every day activity, and 40. 4 percent of women workers note abnormal changes in their menstruation after quitting their jobs.

   Despite the fact that so many women workers experience such menstrual pains at work, menstruation leave is not currently being used freely. Women cite extra burdens to co-workers during leave, the dissatisfaction of managers, and the opportunity to supplement their low wages with the leave benefit as reasons for the low usage rate.

   In a situation rn which low wages and high labor intensity make usage of menstruation leave difficult. it can be expected that even less, if any women will opt to use the leave if it is changed to unpaid leave granted only at the request of the worker.

   In addition, when we consider that the leave is now being used by many women as a means of supplementing a wage level that only amounts to 55. 7 percent of male wages, making menstruation leave unpaid would amount to a cut in women workers' wages.

   Finally, women workers now withstand harsh working conditions, including long hours sometimes exceeding 44 hours a week, work that requires standing, and alternative day and night work. As even the monthly and annual leaves are not being used freely, repealing menstruation leave would signify great losses for maternity protection

2. Repeal of paid menstruation leave represents an effort to ignore the social responsibilities for maternity.

   The level of maternity bene5ts remains extremely low compared with international standards. Repealing menstruation leave without considering improvements in working conditions, shortened working hours, and expansion of leave benefits will only worsen working conditions and result in further deterioration of maternity protection.

   Although the government has promised to institute a fetal examination leave system in exchange for repealing menstruation leave, no concrete measures or executive orders have been presented. In a situation where the Equal Employment Law is only being nominally applied and where the existing maternity protection system has not been solidified. it is impossible to accept further retractions of protection through the repeal of this leave.

   In addition, the Ministry of Labor claims that companies avoid hiring women because of the burden of financing menstruation and maternity leaves.

   Yet, the Ministry fails to consider that rather than maternity protection itself, it is the government's labor policies, which place the entire financial burden on companies, that is the cause of such company actions.

   In the end, it is clear that the Ministry's proposal to make menstruation leave unpaid is aligned with the intent of business to worsen working conditions by repealing the monthly leave and instituting a system of flexible working hours, all under the name of strengthening international competitiveness. The idea that women's employment will be expanded by repealing menstruation leave represents only the intent of government to avoid its social responsibilities for maternity protection.

3. Paid menstruation leave must not be repealed.

   The responsibility for reproducing and rearing the young leaders of the next generation lies not on the woman as an individual, but on society as a whole.

   For this reason, maternity protection must take all maternal functions, including their formation, realization, and decline, as targets for benefits. Because a woman's menstruation is directly related to maternal functions like pregnancy and childbirth, menstruation leave must without doubt be continued as a form of maternity protection.

   Rather than repealing the very minimal measures of maternity protection for purposes of international competitiveness government and business must focus more attention on raising the working conditions of both male and female workers to international standards. Only when both male and female workers can be assured secure employment can international competitiveness be secured.

   Hence, we absolutely can and will not accept a repeal of menstruation leave before we see improvements in working conditions, shortened hours, the elimination of low wages, guaranteed paid health leaves, and full employment equality for women.

4. Plan of action for the women's labor movement

   Women's labor movement groups (including the Korea Trade Union Congress. Korean Congress of Independent Industrial Unions Federation, Korean Women Workers Associations United, and the Labor Committee of the Korea Women's Associations United, which consists of the Inchon and Seoul Women Workers Associations and the Korea Women's Association for Democracy and Sisterhood) adopted a formal and collective resolution opposing the repeal of paid menstruation leave.

   In addition, these groups presented the "Position of Women's Groups regarding the Repeal of Paid Menstruation Leave" to the National Assembly during the January l8 regular session of the Assembly's Labor Committee. They are currently awaiting an answer to their request for an interview with the Prime Minister.

   In addition, public information flyers opposing the repeal of the leave have been made and distributed. Polls are also being planned in order to survey the extent to which the leave is being used, as well as workers' opinions regarding the necessity of having menstruation leave.

   Other plans for a signature petition drive and a campaign to encourage the use of the leave are being considered. Labor unions and women's organizations will also gather complaints of cases in which the leave was requested but refused or was given in a biased manner.

   These cases will be gathered and used to publicize company violations. Finally, a rally to oppose the repeal will be planned.

   In these ways, women's labor movement groups plan to continue their collective struggle to oppose the repeal of paid menstruation leave. The women's movement remains resolved to intensify their fight even further in the case that menstruation leave is repealed.